Clear answers. No pressure.

VES Union was formed and is operated entirely by Quality Control Analysts. It is not Veterans Evaluation Services, Maximus, or a company-sponsored organization, and it is not affiliated with an outside labor organization.

QCAs own and direct this campaign. Member-governance rules are being drafted for adoption as the campaign formally begins. The organizing committee has consulted with the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) for organizing guidance.

“Micro-union” is an informal term for a union that begins with one appropriate group of workers inside a much larger employer. It is not a separate legal kind of union, and “micro” does not necessarily mean tiny: the proposed QCA bargaining unit includes hundreds of workers.

We are not beginning with QCAs because we believe we are more important or more deserving than other Maximus employees. We are beginning here because organizing every occupation and program in a company as large and complex as Maximus in one campaign would spread workers across many different structures and give the company substantial practical advantages.

A focused unit gives workers an achievable place to begin: win recognition, establish democratic representation, build bargaining experience, negotiate and enforce a contract, and show what collective action can accomplish inside Maximus. QCAs also share a recognizable job classification, common work, performance expectations, incentive systems, and workplace concerns. That provides the independent practical and legal foundation for bargaining together. VES Union proposes the unit; the NLRB decides its final boundaries and who is eligible to vote.

Maximus employs people across many programs, occupations, management structures, and working environments. Organizing all of them in one campaign is not a prerequisite for QCAs to act together.

A successful first unit can give other workers a visible example, practical knowledge, and a less isolated place from which to organize. Workers in other groups would not automatically join the QCA unit; they could organize their own appropriate groups. VES Union is intended to be a foothold, not a fence.

A union gives workers an organization that lasts beyond one negotiation. Members can enforce the contract, raise grievances, receive representation in covered workplace disputes, obtain information needed for representation, bargain over proposed changes when the law or contract requires it, elect accountable representatives, and prepare together for the next round of bargaining. The exact tools available would depend on the final contract, the VES Union rules members ultimately adopt, and applicable law.

Members are not spectators. Under the draft VES Union member-control process, workers would identify priorities, authorize the principal bargaining mandate, and elect the coworkers who serve on the bargaining committee. The committee would negotiate within the authority members give it and report back as bargaining and confidentiality permit.

A tentative agreement would not be the final word. The workers covered by it would review the result and vote to ratify or reject it. See how this connects to our current mandate.

Yes. Health insurance, employee premium contributions, deductibles, leave, retirement benefits, and other benefits can be proposed in bargaining. The bargaining team can seek improvements, clearer cost-sharing rules, or limits on changes. What can ultimately be achieved depends on the plan, the facts, and negotiations; the employer must bargain in good faith but is not required to accept every proposal.

Yes. Wages, bonuses, incentives, how they are calculated, when targets are announced, and how changes are communicated can all be raised in bargaining. Workers could seek advance notice, objective formulas, dependable measurement periods, or protection against retroactive changes. The exact language would be developed and decided through the member-controlled bargaining process.

Workload and performance standards can be raised when they affect pay, discipline, job security, or other working conditions. That can include how work is credited, whether employees are judged for delays outside their control, how quality is measured, and what process applies before a quota leads to discipline. The legal duty to bargain over a particular proposal can depend on the facts, and bargaining does not guarantee a specific result.

At-will employment generally means an employer may terminate an employee at any time for any lawful reason—or without stating a reason—and an employee may leave at any time. It does not permit discrimination, retaliation for protected activity, or another unlawful reason for termination. State-law rules and exceptions vary.

Winning union representation does not automatically end at-will employment. It gives workers the ability to negotiate enforceable protections against it. A collective-bargaining agreement can require just cause for discipline or discharge, along with progressive discipline, written explanations, access to evidence, representation, a grievance process, and neutral arbitration.

If members negotiate and ratify those protections, management must satisfy the contract’s standards and follow the agreed process instead of relying solely on unilateral at-will discretion. The precise protection would depend on the agreement members ultimately approve. Read the federal government’s explanation of at-will employment and collective-bargaining exceptions →

No. Certification requires the union and Maximus to meet and bargain in good faith; it does not force either side to accept a particular proposal or make a concession. Worker power comes from entering that process organized, informed, and accountable to one another—not from promising an automatic outcome.

Under the draft governance, workers would elect the coworkers who serve on the VES Union bargaining committee. Members would set their authority and hold them accountable. The committee could use legal or professional advisers, but advisers would not replace the elected workers whose jobs and agreement are at stake. These procedures are still being drafted and are not yet fully implemented.

If a majority votes for representation and the union is certified, the result applies to the entire bargaining unit. VES Union must represent every worker in that unit fairly—whether that person voted yes, voted no, signed a card, or never publicly took a side. A coworker does not lose a job, a voice, or the union’s duty of fair representation because of a no vote.

No democratic organization expects unanimous agreement. Members can disagree, question leaders, advocate for different priorities, vote in union elections, and vote on the contract. The point is not that everyone thinks alike; it is that workplace-wide decisions are made through a process workers can participate in rather than being imposed on them individually.

There are no VES Union dues now, and no dues rate has been proposed or approved. Under the draft governance, any future dues would require advance notice and approval by members in a secret-ballot vote. The draft also says dues could not be imposed retroactively.

Before a vote, members would receive the proposed amount, purpose, and financial rules. Final obligations would depend on the rules ultimately adopted, any negotiated agreement, and applicable law.

“Right to work” does not guarantee anyone a job, protect a worker from being fired, or create a general right to employment. It means a union and an employer cannot negotiate a union-security agreement requiring workers covered by the contract to contribute dues or representation fees.

Workers may decline to join or financially support the union, but the collective-bargaining agreement still covers them and the union remains legally required to represent them fairly. That creates a free-rider problem: someone can receive the negotiated pay, protections, grievance rights, and representation without sharing the cost of securing and enforcing them.

Supporters describe right-to-work laws as protecting individual choice. Unions oppose them because making financial support optional—while leaving the duty to represent everyone in place—can reduce the resources and collective strength workers have available. VES Union has no dues now, and no rate has been proposed or approved. Any future proposal would remain subject to member approval and applicable law. Read the NLRB’s explanation of union-security agreements and right-to-work laws →

A rough national calculation divides the Bureau of Economic Analysis estimate of labor-organization dues in 2025 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics count of union members. That produces an estimate of about $105 per month, but the sources measure somewhat different populations and do not predict what VES Union members might approve.

BLS reported higher median weekly earnings for union members than nonunion workers in the private sector in 2025. BLS also cautions that occupation, industry, age, firm size, geography, and other characteristics affect that comparison. It is national context—not a guaranteed QCA raise and not a VES Union dues proposal.

BLS union earnings data → BEA dues data via FRED →

The campaign could lose an election. Maximus could resist the organizing effort, and bargaining—if workers win representation—could be slow and difficult. Negotiations might not produce an agreement members consider acceptable. Organizing can also create stress and conflict in a workplace. Retaliation for protected union activity is unlawful, but unlawful conduct can still occur and may require workers to document it and seek enforcement.

VES Union cannot honestly guarantee a victory, a first-contract deadline, or a particular improvement. What the union can provide is a democratic organization through which workers make those decisions together, including the right to reject a tentative agreement that does not earn their support.

No. A strike is not an automatic consequence of unionization or an automatic step in bargaining. It is generally an option of last resort when bargaining has not produced an agreement workers are willing to accept and they believe further pressure is necessary to reach a compromise.

Some strikes concern unresolved economic issues such as pay, benefits, or working conditions. Others protest an employer’s unfair labor practices, including a refusal to bargain in good faith. An employer’s unwillingness to compromise can push a dispute toward a strike, but difficult bargaining or failure to reach agreement does not by itself prove unlawful bad faith.

Under the proposed VES Union governance, a strike would require a separate member authorization vote. Organizing creates the ability to act collectively; it does not hand that decision to an outside official. Read the NLRB’s explanation of the right to strike →

No. An authorization card is evidence of support for union representation. A formal representation election, when one is held, is a separate process administered by the National Labor Relations Board.

Yes. Read the authorization language, ask questions, and make your own decision. Signing is voluntary, and no organizer, coworker, or webpage should pressure you to sign.

Only authorized members of the VES Union Organizing Committee can access submitted authorization cards. The cards are stored securely and can be accessed only through authorized, MFA-protected accounts. Names, contact details, signatures, and individual form fields are not published.

A worker who wants to revoke an authorization should email a revocation request to info@vesunionvotes.com.

Absolutely. You can email an organizer at info@vesunionvotes.com or ask in the VES Union Discord before deciding whether to sign. If you prefer privacy, use email; your question does not need to be posted publicly. Do not post confidential employer records or sensitive personal information in Discord.